Plans
are in the works to put before the voters of California a $6 billion general
obligation bond that would be but the first major increment of debt to plan
and build a high-speed train system in this state.
The bond proposal is
in legislation (SB 1856 by Senator Jim Costa) pursuant to the business plan of
the California High-Speed Rail Authority. This high-speed rail (HSR) proposal
would connect San Diego with San Francisco and Sacramento by a grade-separated
rail line, serving trains traveling at about 200 miles per hour.
The primary
proponents of the plan (the taxpayer-funded California High Speed Rail
Authority) claim the train will generate $888 million per year by serving 32
million passengers along the corridor (typical fares between $20 and $30 per
trip). Thus it is asserted that the train will pay for itself. It may even
turn an “operating profit.”
However, the
proponents leave out one difficult fact when claiming “profitability.” It is
estimated that the capital costs of the system are $26 billion. Unfortunately,
money doesn’t grow on trees, and it is unlikely that voters will be able to
count on the “train fairy” from Washington, D.C. to provide the $26 billion
required. There are about 34 million people in California. Dividing the
capital costs by the population gives us about $760 per California resident
(or over $3,000 for a family of four). This is a tax that Californians will
have to pay to cover the capital costs of this train, to ensure it earns an
“operating profit.”
If the bond measure
passes, these costs will be paid for with bonds – a sensible way to finance
sensible projects. But the bonds just transfer the cost from the present to
the future. The implication is that, in nominal terms, the actual dollars paid
will be higher since residents will also have to pay interest on the
bonds. This analysis, to give the benefit of the doubt to the HSR Authority,
ignores two historical properties of new passenger rail systems in the United
States (as well as other large infrastructure projects, including the new
Denver Airport and Boston’s Big Dig): they tend to underestimate costs (actual
costs are higher than predicted) and they tend to overestimate demand (actual
ridership tends to be lower than forecast). Both of those properties make
sense when you consider the incentive of the rail agency is to get the project
approved, the future can always make up the deficit.
Is this subsidy (over
$3,000 per family) warranted to provide for a transportation mode that is
slower than existing private air travel, just so it can be competitive on
price? (If the HSR passengers had to pay for the capital costs, it would not
be price-competitive, and probably would serve no riders). Subsidies for
transportation are justifiable in certain cases. For instance, we as a society
subsidize urban public transit to provide mobility options for the working
poor, and enable them to hold jobs. Are the riders of this train likely to be
working poor? No, in contrast, they are likely to have above-average incomes,
as they are professionals who must travel between the power centers of
California’s capital and largest cities. This subsidy thus transfers money
from the poor to subsidize the rich.
Proponents may also
argue that we should subsidize rail because we subsidize other modes. This is
a spurious argument for two reasons. First, two wrongs don’t make a right. If
there were subsidies in air travel and highways, that doesn’t justify similar
subsidies in high speed rail, rather it argues for eliminating those
subsidies. Second, highways and air travel basically pay for
themselves. Highway user fees (gas taxes, motor vehicle property taxes, tolls,
etc.) exceed highway expenditures. Similarly air transportation user fees
cover the costs of airports, new security measures, and air traffic control.
Proponents then argue for the environmental
benefits of high-speed rail. When they do so, they conveniently exclude two
major costs of high-speed rail, the noise pollution and the land consumed
(trains are noisier than cars, and rails affect a lot more land than
airports). However, even after adding the external effects of air pollution
and noise pollution to highways and air transportation, the subsidy required
by high-speed rail is significantly larger. Adib Kanafani, a transportation
engineer with the University of California at Berkeley, estimated that the
subsidy for high speed rail would be 20 times the subsidy for air
transportation and 85 times the subsidy for highways on a per-passenger-mile
basis.
If the train runs electrically, there will
less pollution resulting from train travel than from gasoline-powered cars,
since electricity generation tends to pollute less (and pollute farther away
from population centers). But there is one major cost they also exclude: the
environmental impacts of construction itself. While this is hard to estimate,
we can consider the energy consumed in constructing the track, since pollution
is proportional to energy burned. A study of Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART) by
Charles Lave, a transportation economist at the University of California at
Berkeley, estimated that more energy was used to build the system than will
ever be saved by it, and BART is a much smaller system requiring much less
tunneling. At a minimum, the claims of environmental benefits should not be
taken at face value.
There has been
significant lobbying for HSR by engineering consultants, construction
companies, rail car manufacturers, and local developers. Many of the companies
involved are foreign-owned and controlled, including those that built the
heavily subsidized systems in France and Japan. They clearly see the very
concentrated benefits of a huge construction project – the proposed California
High Speed Rail line would be more expensive than every other active HSR
proposal in the country put together. While the benefits are concentrated, the
losers, those who would pay the regressive taxes to cover the bonds, are
diffuse. The $760 per person spread over 20 or 30 years is less than a dollar
a day. While the money adds up, few will see the loss so directly to actively
oppose the project.
A key question has
never been asked: What is the best use of more than $26,000,000,000? The HSR
Authority never examined alternatives. Its mandate was to justify a new piece
of infrastructure. For that amount of money it would be very easy to improve
air travel in the Central Valley, along with many other things that the HSR is
supposed to accomplish. HSR is the least cost-effective way to provide
transportation services between the valley and the coast, or between northern
and southern California.